Sunday, January 24, 2021

How bad is austerity? Vancouver Gave Its Homeless $5,800. It Changed Their Lives. Finland just ended homelessness (hint: it's cheaper)

Vancouver Gave Its Homeless $5,800. It Changed Their Lives.


A single infusion of cash helped recipients pay their rent, get to work — and put their lives back on track. […] Though the formal research has yet to be published, the early results are staggering. Half of the cash recipients moved into stable housing one month after they received the money, compared to 25 percent of the control group. ‘That was phenomenal,’ says Zhao. Almost 70 percent of them were food secure in one month. Like Ray, they spent most of the money on the essentials — food, shelter, bills. On average, the cash recipients spent a total of three fewer months in a shelter than those in the control group, whose days spent homeless increased. After one year, cash recipients reduced their spending on alcohol, drugs and cigarettes by an average of almost 40 percent, challenging ‘the widespread misperception that people in poverty will misuse cash funds,’ the report stated. At the end of the year-long study, participants had an average of $1,000 still left in the bank.”

 [reasonstobecheerful, via Avedon’s Sideshow 1-19-21] 


Finland ends homelessness and provides shelter for all in need

[Scoop.me, via The Big Picture]

In Finland, the number of homeless people has fallen sharply. The reason: The country applies the ‘Housing First’ concept. Those affected by homelessness receive a small apartment and counselling — without any preconditions. 4 out of 5 people affected thus make their way back into a stable life. And: All this is cheaper than accepting homelessness.

Friday, January 22, 2021

Not An Easy Way Out: Democrats Share the Blame

(c) by Mark Dempsey

Blaming current conditions on traditions Ronald Reagan began, or the racist Republicans, as Jeffrey Sachs does (here) simplifies the story far too much. The first candidate since FDR to campaign on reducing federal spending (i.e. austerity) was Democratic Senator Edmund Muskie, the opponent Nixon didn't want to face in a presidential election. Noam Chomsky calls Nixon our last liberal president.

(Democrat) John F. Kennedy cut taxes, and, in fairness, closed some tax loopholes, before Reagan. (Democrat) Jimmy Carter showed Reagan how to deregulate by deregulating trucking and airlines. Reagan's forays into these areas was not anything new.

Carter's deregulation also threw unions under the bus--their negotiated contracts with the deregulated industries were discarded. The Teamsters endorsed Reagan in the next presidential election--as did anti-Vietnam-war candidate Eugene McCarthy and civil rights leader Ralph Abernathy. 

Interpreting backlash about the '60s civil rights legislation, which a majority of Republicans then backed, as the primary cause of New Deal Democrats' defeat, and Nixon's election is also misguided. 

True, Nixon supported the politically powerful Southern oligarchy, which promoted racism to subdue protests from debtors. But saying racism is the basis of this policy is a fundamental mistake that continues to resonate through civic discourse even now. Debt peonage is the primary cause; racism is a symptom. 

How did debt become so important? In the aftermath of the Civil War, the South was both beaten militarily and impoverished economically. Not only was the flower of Confederate youth gone, their biggest assets--slaves--were no longer their assets. So... Southerners became debtors. Lawrence Goodwyn's book The Populist Moment, about the post-Civil-War gilded age that precedes the current one, notes that not only was Confederate money no good, all their banks failed--so they had no savings--and the entire Confederate South had less money than the state of Connecticut. 

This meant Southerners were forced to make the preponderance of their purchases on credit from stores run by the "Furnishing Man" (later shortened to "the Man"). The Man was a merchant who sold essential goods on credit at interest that would make a payday lender blush. The crop lien was the Man's security for these loans, and if the crop failed, or the price fell, the debtor bore all the risk. 

The Man often foreclosed on crop liens owed by independently owned farms, making tenant farmers--debt peons--from the land owners. The Man kept them eternally in debt with exorbitant interest charges. "Saint Peter don't you call me, 'cause I can't go... I owe my soul to the company sto'" is a lyric from the age of debt peonage. The People's Party and the Farmers' Alliance were two responses to this situation, just as Bernie Sanders is a more recent response. 

Meanwhile, our central bank ("The Fed") reports that 40% of the U.S. population can't handle a $400 emergency without selling something or borrowing. History may not repeat itself, but it certainly rhymes.

In the interest of deflecting dissatisfaction toward someone else, the bankers and the Man settled on the lesser races and former slaves as an appropriate scapegoat. Debt peons would accept their circumstances willingly provided the former slaves were kept even lower. 

In more recent times, the Vietnamese understood this all too well. The French colonial oligarchy kept them in debt peonage. That's why the Vietnamese fought with unmatched determination to throw off the shackles of debt, even when the better-armed Americans decided to prop up that same French-inspired oligarchy, even going so far as discarding the treaty ending World War II, which would have allowed Vietnam to elect its post-colonial government.*

Incidentally, Vietnam has a population of roughly 100 million, and just experienced its 35th COVID-19 case. Who is the sh*thole now?

Creating indebtedness is an essential part of Colonialism. Even the Romans urged their conquests to go into debt. Tom Perkins' Confessions of an Economic Hit Man documents how he abused economic calculations to justify too-large debts to the U.S. and its institutions, the World Bank, and the IMF. Once colonies have all their economic excess going toward repaying debts, the colony has been reduced to debt peonage.

Sachs' assertion that (Democrat) LBJ's federal Vietnam war and "war on poverty" spending was what increased U.S. inflation does not withstand the slightest scrutiny. According to the U.S. Consumer Price Index, inflation changed less during the '60s Vietnam War than during the 1950's and '70s.

 

Oil Shortage was at the root of '70s inflation

So why did inflation really take off? Pre-fracking U.S. peak oil production was in 1971. In 1973, in response to their dissatisfaction with the Yom Kippur war, the Saudis and OPEC decided to use the "oil weapon," and curtail supplies. Industry historian Daniel Yergin reports this diminished supplies by no more than three percent, worldwide, but it was the first time the U.S. could not produce more oil to compensate for a shortfall in imports. As you can see from the graph above, the '70s are when inflation really took off.

To appreciate how essential energy, and particularly petroleum is to the U.S. economy, Michael Pollan reports that for every one calorie of food, U.S. agriculture burns ten calories of oil. Petrochemicals are ubiquitous.

The price of a barrel of oil in 1971 was $1.75. That price quadrupled almost overnight when the Arab oil embargo began, peaking in 1982 at $42/bbl (roughly the current, inflation-adjusted price). Reagan got lucky because Alaska's North Slope came online in the '80s, increasing oil supplies domestically, and the price came down to around $10/bbl before gradually increasing to the current price.

In any case, despite Sach's assertions to the contrary, LBJ's government spending was not at the root of the '70s inflation. Another invalidation of Sachs' theory about the root of inflation being government overspending is a recent Cato institute study of 56 hyperinflations throughout history. Economist Stephanie Kelton says: "Not a single one of … 56 cases were caused by a central bank that ran amok [i.e. a government that spent too much]. In virtually every case, the inflation was not caused by too much money but too few goods."

Finally, Sachs implies that federal debt is a bad thing. This is nothing new for him. Says Sachs "The result [of Reagan's fiscal policy] has been a massive buildup of federal government debt...and [it] will likely soar further because of further urgent spending related to Covid-19."

At least Sachs says the government owes the debt to the public. That is correct. What's missing, however, is the note that federal spending, and any 'debt' repayment, is in dollars, which government can create literally without limit. We'll run out of dollars when the Bureau of Weights and Measures runs out of inches. Ask yourself what kind of hardship a mortgage would be if you could print the means to repay it in the back bedroom. That's the power of a sovereign, fiat currency creator, like the U.S.

Another more surprising conclusion: Tax revenues do not, and cannot, limit federal programs. Where would people get the dollars to pay taxes if the government didn't spend them first, without waiting for tax revenue? It's not "Tax and Spend"... it can't be. It must be "Spend first, then retrieve some dollars in taxes." And what do we call the dollars not retrieved? Answer #1: the dollar financial assets of the population. Answer #2: national 'debt.' It's just like your bank account. That's your asset, but to the bank, it's a liability.

Federal fiscal policies have certainly favored the wealthy since Reagan, whose deficit was almost entirely pocketed by the rich--just as Obama's was. David Cay Johnstone reports that after adjusting for inflation, median income for the bottom 90% has increased only $59 since 1972. If that were an inch on a bar graph, says Johnstone, the bar for the top 10% would be 141 feet high. The bar for the top 0.1% would be five miles high.

Neoclassical (conventional) economics as practiced by Sachs blesses creating this kind of inequity. Sachs himself has been a promoter of austerity and "Shock Therapy" that worsened the conditions he now decries (read this by Modern Money Theorist Bill Mitchell for the entire story). 

So Sachs' economic understanding is both shallow and misleading. Like most conventional economists, he ignores the role private debt plays in the economy, and decries federal debt as something shameful. Really? Is your bank account the occasion for shame too? It's a debt too...at least to the bank!

Sachs' prescription for increased taxation might be useful in re-leveling the playing field for the poor, but it is not necessary to fund any programs, and it stirs up resentment, and well-funded opposition, from the rich. The Kochs spent $889 million in the 2016 political election year. Pseudo-lefty currency speculator George Soros spent only $20 million.

So...let's credit Sachs and the Democrats with having the right idea that government spending is important, and the reactionary right played a role in distorting public policy so we're up a creek without a paddle, but laying all this at the foot of reactionary racism is just baloney. Democrats from Edmund Muskie to Barack Obama, and their neoclassical economic advisors like Sachs himself promoted austerity and Shock Therapy in dealing with economies.Those are the genuine problems, and the movement toward those counter-productive public policies like austerity has been entirely bipartisan. 

As Bill Mitchell says: "Sachs’ article is a classic example of the new historical revisionism is underway. There are many thousands of people who have been victim of Shock Therapy in the past. Now millions are being brainwashed into believing that the austerity was a success and stimulated growth. [It's] Beyond contempt."

---

*Eisenhower, the president who revoked the World War II-ending treaty promising a plebiscite, polled to find Ho Chi Minh would have won. The information about debt comes from Jeffrey Race's War Comes to Long An. Race was drafted to go to Vietnam, and learned Vietnamese on the boat over. Rather than huddle in some "strategic hamlet" he interviewed the population, prisoners and defectors to discover the genuine motivations for the Vietnamese resistance.

Update: This is cited in Naked Capitalism's links... What a compliment! It's absolutely my favorite blog.

Thursday, January 21, 2021

David Graeber on the "Extreme Center"

 

Who's your Emperor now?

 

From The Reactionary Mind - By Corey Robin, and NakedCapitalism.com

The problem with The Reactionary Mind is not that the pithy passages are hard to find, it's that the whole book is pithy. That said, here are a few excerpts:

p. 15: "Historically, the conservative has sought to forestall the march of democracy in bot the public and the private spheres, on the assumption that advances in the one necessarily spur advances in the other. ...'to keep the state out of the hands of the people,' wrote the French monarchist Louis de Bonald, 'it is necessary to keep the family out of the hands of women and children.'

"Still, the more profound and prophetic stance on the right has ben [John] Adams's: cede the field of the public, if you must, but stand fast in the private. Allow men and women to become democratic citizens of the state; make sure they remain feudal subjects in the factory, and the field. The priority of conservative political argument has been the maintenance of private regimes of power--even at the cost of the strength and integrity of the state."

And, from NakedCapitalism.com

Meanwhile, Yves Smith says "democracy and democratically-organized organizations don’t scale well, as anyone who participated in Occupy Wall Street and encountered 'stack' can tell you. Mondragon is the world’s largest worker cooperative. But it’s actually 257 companies, so the average company size is under 300 employees. Many lines of enterprise have economies of scale or scope. That means smaller entities, unless they have managed to create a defensible niche, will be at a big disadvantage. Scale in turn virtually necessitates hierarchy. Even Mondragon has had to relent on its 'maximum wage' rules [wherein the average boss's salary is limited by what the workforce gets paid] and has widened the gap between minimum and maximum pay.

As we explained long-form in [her book] ECONNED, the reversion to a more tooth-and-claw form of capitalism is the direct result of a concerted and well-funded effort, codified in the Powell Memo of 1971, to move the values of the US to the right. One of the proof of the success of this campaign has been the successful attack on unions and the erosion of worker rights. Another is deregulation and the denigration of government employees and government service. I’m old enough to remember, for instance, when the SEC and the FDA were respected and feared."

Back to The Reactionary Mind:

p. 243: "Trump's ascendancy suggests that the lower orders are no longer satisfied with the racial and imperial privileges the [conservative] movement has offered them. The right has reversed many of the gains of the Civil Rights Movement: the schools that African Americans in the South attend today are more segregated than they were under Richard Nixon; the racial wealth gap has tripled since 1984; and in sever states, voting rights for African Americans are under attack. Yet a combination of stagnating wages, rising personal and household debt, and increasing precarity--coupled with the tormenting symbolism of a black president and the greater visibility of black and brown faces in the culture industries--has made the traditional conservative offering seem scant to its white constituents. The future of the United States as a minority-majority nation axcerbates this anxiety. Racial dog whistles no longer suffice; a more brazen sount is required.

"Trump is that sound."

p.245: "Without a formidable enemy on the left, without an opponent to discipline and tutor the right, the long-standing fissures of the conservative movement are allowed to deepen and expand.

"That absent tutelage is most visibly embodied in Trump, whose whims are as unlettered as his mind is untaught. ... Trump is a window onto the dissolution of the conservative whole, a while that is dissolving because its victories have been so great, a whiloe that can allow itself to collapse because it has achieved so much. Battling its way to hegemony in the second half of the twentieth century, the American right would never has chosen a Trump--not because it was more intelligent or virtuous, not because it was less racist or violent, but because it was disciplined by its task of destroying the left. Having achieved that task, it can now afford, can now allow itself, the lucury of irresponsibility. Or so it believes..."

p.249: "When it comes to saying something with buildings, however, Trump is less concerned with their size and scale than with their surfaces. ... [unlike Ayn Rand] Trump makes almost no mention of design, engineering, or even architecture....he becomes the most observant diarist, recording detail after loving detail of the beauty of [the surfaces] he sees and its effects upon him."

p.251: "Trump's sensibility, it turns out, is less monumental than ornamental... It was opulent and ostentatious, loud and luxurious, vicious and vulgar. ...

"Trump is not unaware of the political provenance of his actions: 'What I'm doing is about as close as you're going to get, in the twentieth century, to the quality of Versaillles.'"

The Cobra Effect

From Wikipedia:

“The term cobra effect originated in an anecdote that describes an occurrence during India under British rule. The British government was concerned about the number of venomous cobras in Delhi. The government therefore offered a bounty for every dead cobra. Initially, this was a successful strategy; large numbers of snakes were killed for the reward. Eventually, however, enterprising people began to breed cobras for the income. When the government became aware of this, the reward program was scrapped. When cobra breeders set their now-worthless snakes free, the wild cobra population further increased.”

More about Metrics from Jakob Greenfield:

Stagnation apologists love to argue that the lack of progress in science is simply a result of the fact that all low-hanging fruit are gone.

That’s complete nonsense. There’s still plenty of low-hanging fruit. It’s just that everyone is so busy chasing meaningless metrics that they can’t see them.

In academia the metric of choice usually has something to do with the number of citations. But just like Google’s backlink-driven algorithm (which was in fact inspired by academia’s citation metrics) was quickly gamed by savvy webmasters, academia’s algorithm is gamed by careerists.

And I’m not talking about some tiny minority here. If you want to survive in academia, you have to play the citation game. And if everyone is cheating, at the very least you have to do the same to stand a chance.

You have to partner up with others because five people can write five times as many papers. You agree to constantly cite each other. Likewise, you focus on incremental additions to established ideas because that’s the safest way to new publications regularly. You work on the stuff everyone else is working on because how else are you going to get citations?

And one thing you absolutely have to avoid like the plague is the risky and deep kind of research that leads to real progress in the field.

The problem isn’t that citations are a bad metric, and we need to come up with smarter ones. Instead, it’s just Goodhart’s law in action. Every attempt to manage academia makes it worse.

Hail Caesar!...er, Joe!

 (c) by Mark Dempsey

My friends and neighbors, even my Latina mother-in-law, are all "muy contento" with Joe Biden. They're happy, as though the end of Trump means the end of tyranny, racism, xenophobia and all things bad in public policy. I disagree, and say the fixation on Trump is a mistake.

Yet I don't have the heart to disabuse them of such innocent optimism. It's charming. It's fun to dance in the end zone! Let the wild rumpus begin!

Meanwhile, back here on planet earth, Joe Biden is at least a questionable choice. He voted to go to war in Iraq, perhaps the worst foreign policy decision in U.S. history. The "Global War on Terror" that it initiated has reportedly killed 27 million to date--that's four-and-a-half times the holocaust. Even Trump thought Iraq was a mistake. 

Also--as a favor to the banks and credit card companies--the "Senator from MBNA" (Biden) voted to tighten the bankruptcy law just before a big economic downturn. We're still garnishing Social Security checks to pay student loans because bankruptcy can no longer retire them.

Biden has also signaled he'll continue persecuting dissenters from the American empire in our hemisphere. Rather than recognize the democratically elected government in Venezuela, he's announced support for a usurper (Guaido) there. The mob that invaded congress was trivial compared to the regime overthrow attempted in Venezuela, which still suffers U.S. sanctions, and is moving ever more into China's sphere of influence. 

Venezuela is not alone, either. U.S. coups overthrowing elections in Bolivia, and a military coup blessed by then-Secretary-of-State Clinton in Honduras are just the most recent examples of imperialist foreign policy from which neither Trump nor Biden have strayed. This is a long tradition; between 1798 and 1994, the U.S. is responsible for 41 changes of government south of its borders. It's apparently our empire's manifest destiny to straighten out those "crazy" Latin Americans.

In the wake of NAFTA, Mexican median real income declined 34%. So a constant stream of economic, military and political refugees comes north...where, adding insult to injury, Americans persecute and cage them. The U.S. is simply shameless, like Trump. 

All Biden's "diversity" and "intersectional" appointments are, I'm sure, a tremendous consolation to our colonies and peons. "At last! A trans woman is ordering the drone strikes!" they'll say.

The libertarian Cato institute sponsored a study that discovered voters have more allegiance to their party than any objective standard of judgment. Voters deplore policies initiated by the opposition, but if they are told those same policies come from their own "team," why then they're OK!

I'd suggest the sooner we stop treating elections as a sporting event, the better. Policies succeed or fail on their own, no matter who initiates them. The idea that the team excuses bad behavior is really ridiculous.

Tuesday, January 12, 2021

Local "Planning" Follies - part 8 - Alternatives to Sprawl

Alternatives to Sprawl

(c) by Mark Dempsey

The following section describes alternatives to typical suburban design. More compact, mixed use, pedestrian-friendly design maximizes the value of scarce real estate. Making more of the typical suburban sprawl dense development pattern is not what this means. The design alternative can look like the apartments below, in McKinley Park. Notice that there are offices to the left and single-family homes to the right.


McKinley Park Offices (on the left), apartments (center), and housing (right) in one block.

Far from harming home values, single-family homes next to such buildings in McKinley Park are the most valuable (per square foot) in the region, says the Sacramento Bee.

The typical struggle between developers and environmentalists is portrayed as “growth” vs. “no-growth.” That is not necessarily true, however. In this set of pictures, you will see a place we built more than 50 years ago that minimized environmental impacts for development, not just then, but today too. 

You will also see an extraordinarily valuable bit of real estate because of how it was built. This is a look at McKinley Park, a pre-1950's Sacramento Neighborhood that is still a desirable place to live (Desirable! heck I can't afford to buy a home there!).
Here, you can see it's a large park


surrounded by homes


offices


shops and restaurants,


and some homes that qualify as mansions, in my book.


With this large park surrounded by homes and businesses, you might think there would be lots of off-street parking—there's not. There are a total of 31 parking spaces for the park itself (Actually, these are for a later addition to the park. The park itself was built with no off-street parking of its own).Yet I've never had any trouble finding a parking space—even though the park is packed most days I've visited (these pictures are from a Monday late afternoon). I park parallel onstreet where there is plenty of parking.

In contrast, most sprawl parks have huge parking lots. The message is clear (“Sorry, little Johnny, you'll have to wait until your chauffeur...er Mom arrives to drive you to the playground.”)

So how do McKinley Park's businesses and apartments provide parking? They put it behind the buildings, down alleys. 


Parking behind apartments

The alley pictured backs up to businesses and apartments.

There are lots of big houses--very expensive mansions—but right next to them are several styles of apartments. Here are a clutch of one-story cottages on a large lot with alley parking behind them:


The park itself is a healthy place, full of joggers and cyclists. Why? Because not only does it have a nice, decomposed granite jogging track circling the park, but the neighbors can get there on foot, on streets that look like this:

 

Notice that the mower strip, trees, and onstreet parking are a barrier to the passing traffic, while the sidewalk is at least 5' wide. Notice too that the street lamps are 10' - 14' tall, which means they have pedestrian-friendly light (not the blinding light of sprawl streetlights). Walking down such streets is invited. You do not walk next to fast-moving traffic, indian file on a narrow sidewalk (no conversations, please!), soon to be spotted by the folks with Uzis in the guard tower....But I exaggerate.

In contrast, although suburbia can be pleasant, it subtly discourages pedestrians:

The suburban neighborhood I live in (through the windshield of my car).

This is a neighborhood with trees as old as McKinley Park's. Note that they don't form a canopy over the sidewalk and street like the line of trees in the mower strips in the McKinley Park neighborhood. Note too that the roadway itself is a forbidding 40' wide. It takes a brave pedestrian to cross the incredibly wide streets in sprawl.

This is a tertiary, neighborhood street, not a thoroughfare, but its travel lanes are as wide as freeway lanes. The message to drivers is so clear (“Go faster!”) that current traffic engineering standards require suburban neighborhood roads bend every 1,000'. Hence: spaghetti streets.

The “collector street” connects sprawl residences to jobs, schools, parks and shopping. One anti-sprawl apologist (James Kunstler) calls them “car sewers.” Personally, I believe they inspire set design for all post-apocalyptic films. Do I exaggerate? Take a look at this and see for yourself:


Is Mad Max coming? 

In contrast, McKinley Park streets are much narrower, and even when the sidewalk is next to the road (the larger turn radius at the corner and the roll-over curbs are likely a later street “improvement”), the onstreet parking shields pedestrians from passing traffic.

Mixed Use

Studies, and common sense, say that if we really want to cut the traffic, we need to make different destinations (home, work, shops, etc.) within the same neighborhood, like McKinley Park. That cuts inter-neighborhood traffic. To really get people out of their cars, we need pedestrian friendly streets so people can walk to these different destinations.

Here is an example of a modern development that has revisited the traditional pattern of building small shops under residences:


This has shops under residences or offices. Such buildings can even be on major thoroughfares with relatively little parking. Businesses like this are typically smaller; not like big box stores, or offices. The mixed-use, pedestrian-friendly pattern does work for even big-box development, though. One example would be San Francisco’s Union Square where hotels, shops and offices several stories high surround the public square.

Development Behind Thoroughfares

Building behind main roads can be residences, not commerce or offices—although even here some mixed use is possible. In any case, if commerce, offices or transit in such neighborhoods are to be viable, they must have customers—and enough of them—within a walk. 

Transit and neighborhood commerce are the reasons compact housing is necessary. Suggested densities would be roughly 11-13 units per acre (ten is duplexes). 


Such compact building in New Urbanist neighborhoods would also look very different from sprawl apartments. The homes in the picture above are in a downtown Sacramento development called “Metro Square.” It was so popular, it sold out in a single day, even before the hot housing market arrived. 

Another low-impact model of denser building would be to make the density non-uniform. You can build four mansions and an eightplex of about the same mass as the large homes to achieve this. The McKinley Park apartments at the beginning of this post is this kind of mixed-density building.

Lower Density Residences

Finally, even less-densely built single-family homes can have a scattering of denser units (see the flat over rear garage below). This is only slightly denser than the current suburban standard that permits a duplex on corner lots.


Ideally, these too would respect pedestrians, providing wider sidewalks and narrower streets. Garages can be behind the homes, rather than fronting the street. Homeowners either have a driveway that reaches the back yard garage, or alleys to reach their garages.

Street Design

We need to ensure that all the streets are pedestrian-friendly. This means wider, set-back sidewalks, narrower streets, and shorter street lamp posts. [Note: in a bit of good news that came along after this writing, the state of Calfornia requires all new development to have those pedestrian- and bike-friendly street designs known as "Complete Streets"]

The Alternative and The Market

Not only do people pay premiums locally for such building--McKinley Park gets the highest per-square-foot price in the region--they also pay premiums for such development elsewhere, whether in Kentlands (Maryland), Orenco Station (Oregon), or Seaside (Florida).

Of course with more destinations within a walk, this development also reduces traffic, offering residents the healthier alternative of a daily walk. In any case the higher value would be enough to indicate a win-win potential for the community and any builder willing to make traditional neighborhoods.


How to discuss climate change