One of the many lessons one can learn from reading David Graeber's extraordinary Debt: The First 5,000 Years (an anthropology of obligation) is how closely intertwined are the utterly secular -- i.e. things financial -- and the completely religious. The great religions appeared when the technology of money appeared, and provided a necessary check what would come to crush debtors. Religious institutions regularly prohibited usury (yes, both Christians and Muslims), promoted debt "jubilees" (forgiveness of debts) and in various other ways restrained the creditors from crushing those who owed them money. One might even observe that the doctrine of salvation by grace removes "I'll owe you one" from our relationship with deity. One can no longer bribe God with one's offerings. We don't deserve our blessings; we get them entirely because of grace.
So the things that Jesus does, like overturning the money changers' tables in the temple, or talking about forgiving debts ("debtors" is a better translation, I'm told, than "those who trespass against us," ... sorry Methodists.)....when he does those things, he's not talking about airy fairy spiritual things. He's talking about how we don't get to bribe God, or be sadistic creditors and count ourselves as living righteous lives.
So...One of the certain adversaries (Hebrew: "satans") for traditional religions is not abortion, or gays, or any of the other distractions (immigrants) that are constantly trotted out to obscure the real issues. It's the effort to extract all things financial from the population.
...so the following explains a little of just how far things have gone off the rails in the world of Finance:
Why the Financial and Political System Failed and Stability Matters
By Nomi Prins, a former investment banker, now a journalist, best-selling author, and speaker. Her latest book is All the President’s Bankers,
which examines the relationships of presidents to key bankers over the
past century and how they impacted domestic and foreign policy.
Originally published at her website
The
recent spike in global political-financial volatility that was
temporarily soothed by European Central Bank (ECB) covered bond buying
reveals another crack in the six-year-old throw-money-at-the-banks
strategies of politicians and central bankers. The premise of using
banks as credit portals to transport public funds from the government to
citizens is as inefficient as it is not happening. The power elite may
exude belabored moans about slow growth and rising inequality in
speeches and press releases, but they continue to find ways to provide
liquidity, sustenance and comfort to financial institutions, not to
populations.
The
very fact – that without excessive artificial stimulation or the
promise of it – more hell breaks loose – is one that government heads
neither admit, nor appear to discuss. But the truth is that the global
financial system hasalready failed.
Big banks have been propped up, and their capital bases rejuvenated, by
various means of external intervention, not their own business models.
Last
week, the Federal Reserve released its latest 2015 stress test
scenarios. They don’t even exceed the parameters of what actually took
place during the 2008-2009-crisis period. This makes them, though
statistically viable, completely irrelevant in an inevitable full-scale
meltdown of greater magnitude. This Sunday, the ECB announced that 25
banks failed their tests, none of which were the biggest banks (that
received the most help). These tests are the equivalent of SAT exams for
which students provide the questions and answers, and a few get thrown
under the bus for cheating to make it all look legit.
Regardless
of the outcome of the next set of tests, it’s the very need for them
that should be examined. If we had a more controllable, stable,
accountable and transparent system (let alone one not in constant
litigation and crime-committing mode) neither the pretense of
well-thought-out stress tests making a difference in crisis preparation,
nor the administering of them, would be necessary as a soothing tool.
But we don’t. We have an unreformed (legally and morally) international
banking system still laden with risk and losses, whose major players
control more assets than ever before, with our help.
The
biggest banks, and the US and European markets, are now floating on
more than $7 trillion of Fed and ECB intervention with little to show
for it on the ground and more to come. To put that into perspective –
consider that the top 100 global hedge
funds manage about $1.5 trillion in assets. The Fed’s book has
ballooned to $4.5 trillion and the ECB’s book stands at $2.7 trillion – a
figure ECB President, Mario Draghi considers too low. Thus, to sustain
the illusion of international systemic health, the Fed and the ECB are
each, as well as collectively, larger than the top 100 global hedge
funds combined.
Providing
‘liquidity crack’ to the financial system has required heightened
international government and central bank coordination to maintain an
illusion of stability, but not true stability. The definition of
instability is this epic
support network. It is more dangerous than in past financial crises
precisely because of its size and level of political backing.
During
the Panic of 1907, President Teddy Roosevelt’s Treasury Secretary,
Cortelyou announced the first US bank bailout in the country’s history.
Though not a member of the government, financier J.P. Morgan was chosen
by Roosevelt to deploy $25 million from the Treasury. He and a team of
associates decided which banks would live or die with this federal money
and some private (or customers’) capital thrown in.
The
Federal Reserve was established in 1913 to back the private banking
system in advance from requiring future such government injections of
capital. After World War I, a Laissez Faire policy toward finance and
speculation, but not alcohol, marked the 1920s. before the financial
system crumbled under the weight of its own recklessness again. So on
October 24, 1929, the Big Six bankers convened at the Morgan Bank at
noon (for 20 minutes) to form a plan to ‘save’ the ailing markets by
injecting their own (well, their customer’s) capital. It didn’t work.
What transpired instead was the Great Depression.
After
the Crash of 1929, markets rallied, and then lost 90% of their value.
Liquidity froze. Credit for the masses was as unavailable, as was real
money. The combined will of President FDR and the key bankers of the day
worked to bolster people’s confidence in the system that had crushed
them – by reforming it, by making the biggest banks smaller, by
separating bet-taking arms from those in which people could store, and
borrow money from, safely. Political and financial leaderships
collaboratively ushered in the reform measures of the Glass-Steagall
Act. As I note in my most recent book, All the Presidents’ Bankers,
this Act was not merely a piece of legislation passed in spirited
bi-partisan fashion, but it was also a means to stabilize a system for
participants at the top, middle and bottom of it. Stability itself was
the political and financial goal.
Through
World War II, the Cold War, and Vietnam, and until the dissolution of
the gold standard, the financial system remained fairly stable, with
banks handling their own risks, which were separate from the funds of
citizens. No capital injections or bailouts were required until the
mid-1970s Penn Central debacle. But with the bailout floodgates
reopened, big banks launched a frenzied drive for Middle East
petro-dollar profits to use as capital for a hot new area of
speculation, Third World loans.
By
the 1980s, the Latin American Debt crisis resulted, and with it, the
magnitude of federally backed bank bailouts based on Washington
alliances, ballooned. When the 1994 Mexican Peso Crisis hit, bank losses
were ‘handled’ by President Clinton’s Treasury Secretary (and former
Goldman Sachs co-CEO) Robert Rubin and his Asst. Treasury Secretary,
Larry Summers via congressionally approved aid.
Afterwards,
the repeal of the Glass Steagall Act, the mega-merging of financial
players, the explosion of the derivatives market, and the rise of global
‘competition’ amongst government supported gambling firms, lead to
increase speculative complexity and instability, and the recent and
ongoing 2008 financial crisis.
By
its actions, the US government (under both political parties) has
chosen to embrace volatility rather than stability from a policy
perspective, and has convinced governments in Europe to follow suit. Too
big to fail has been replaced by bigger than ever.
Today,
the Big Six US banks are mostly incarnations of the Big Six banks in
1929 with a few add-ons due to political relationships (notably that of
Goldman Sachs, whose past partner, Sidney Weinberg struck up lasting
relationships with FDR and other presidents.)
We
no longer have a private financial system responsible for its own risk,
regardless of how it’s computed or supervised. We have a system whose
risk is shouldered by the federal government and its central bank
entities, and therefore, the people whose deposits seed that risk and
whose taxes and futures sustain it.
We
have a private financial system that routinely commits financial crimes
against humanity with miniscule punishments, as approved by the
government. We don’t even have a free market system based on the
impossible notion of full transparency and opportunity, we have a
publicly funded betting arena, where the largest players are the most
politically connected and the most powerful politicians are enablers,
contributors and supporters. We talk about wealth inequality but not
this substantial power inequality that generates it.
Today,
neither the leadership in Washington, nor throughout Europe, has the
foresight to consider what kind of real stress would happen when zero
and negative interest rate and bond-buying policies truly run their
course and wreak further havoc on their respective economies, because
the very banks supported by them, will crush people, now in a weaker
economic condition, more horrifically than before.
The
political system that stumbles to sustain the illusion that economies
can be built on rampant financial instability, has also failed us. Past
presidents talked of a square deal, a new deal and a fair deal. It’s
high time for a stability deal that prioritizes the real financial
health of individuals over the false one of financial institutions.
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